During dictator state with all power in official

During the breakup of the Soviet Union many countries
received their freedom from the ways of a communist past. With these freedoms,
countries like Uzbekistan had to come about with their own political landscape
and decide on how they would continue to organize and enact on governmental
duties. While there was certainly a framework set in place by communist party
chief Islam Karimov when he accepted the presidency in 1991, there was still an
opportunity for the Uzbeks to implement a more democratic process into the
government. We will look at the political regime of the former Soviet republic
of Uzbekistan, with attention to the executive, legislative and judicial
branches and how they function, including a look at the presidency and how it
interacts with them to see if this landscape is a viable one for future
stability. While Uzbekistan as a former Soviet republic has the ability to make
changes, we will see if this is actually happening or is it simply a façade,
like we have seen before in Russian politics.

               Seeing that Uzbekistan is a republic
which operates under a presidential constitutional system, whereas the
president is both the head of the government and the head of the state. In
order to understand this system a little more we will first look at the
constitution of Uzbekistan. The Uzbekistan Constitution accommodates solid
administration, with power to name government and break up assembly. By and by,
a dictator state with all power in official and concealment of contradiction. From
the earliest starting point of his administration, Karimov stayed submitted in
words to establishing democratic changes. Formally the constitution made a
partition of forces among a solid administration, the governing body, and a
legal. Practically speaking, be that as it may, these progressions have been to
a great extent corrective. Uzbekistan stays among the most tyrant states in
Central Asia. Despite the fact that the dialect of the constitution
incorporates numerous democratic highlights, it can be superseded by official
declarations and enactment, and frequently protected law just is disregarded. The
president is the head of state and is conceded preeminent official power by the
constitution. As president of the military, the president additionally may
proclaim a state of war. The president is empowered to choose the prime
minister and full cabinet, also the judges whom represent the three national
courts, subject to the endorsement of the assembly, and to choose all
individuals to members of the lower courts. The president likewise has the
ability to break up the parliament, basically refuting the Oly Majlis’ ability to
veto control over presidential selections in a power battle circumstance. Delegates
of legislature are chosen to five-year terms. The body might be expelled by the
president with the alignment of the Constitutional Court; since that court is
liable to presidential arrangement, the expulsion condition weights the power
vigorously toward the executive branch. The Oly Majlis orders legislation, that
could be started by the president, inside of the parliament, by the high
courts, by the procurator general (most noteworthy law requirement official in
the nation), or by the administration of the Autonomous Province of
Karakalpakstan. Other than legislation, global bargains, presidential
declarations, and highly sensitive situations likewise should be endorsed by
the Oly Majlis. The national legislation includes the Supreme Court, the
Constitutional Court, and the High Economic Court. Lower court frameworks exist
at the local, area, and town levels. Judges at all levels are selected by the
president and affirmed by the Oly Majlis. Ostensibly free of alternate branches
of government, the courts stay under total control of the official branch. As
in the arrangement of the Soviet time, the procurator general and his
territorial and neighborhood counterparts are both the state’s head indicting
authorities and the central specialists of criminal cases, a setup that
confines the pretrial privileges of respondents.

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               First, we will look at the overall
structure of the executive branch and its conquest to take out any and all
opposition. Karimov has gathered forces that guarantee full strength of the government
procedure for whatever length of time that he is president. He selects the Prime
Minister, all individuals from the cabinet, all individuals from the judiciary,
16 individuals from the recently shaped Senate, and every provincial official.
He likewise has developed or debilitated the tribes that frame the conventional
political texture of Uzbekistan, including the effective clan from Samarkand
that place him in control. Karimov has utilized his immediate control of the
National Security Service as far as possible limiting opposition. The cabinet
is an elastic stamp collection of six prime minister deputies, 14 ministers,
and the heads of five offices and state committees. The president was initially
expected to be chosen to five-year terms, serving a most extreme of two terms.
In March 1995, Karimov secured a 99 percent share in a rigged vote to expand
his term as president from the endorsed next race in. In 2002 choice expanded
the president’s term from five years to eight years. The executive branch of
government is spoken to by the Cabinet of Ministers, which comprises of the
Prime Minister, the prime minister’s deputy, the heads of services, government
organizations and bodies, and regions, and the head of legislature of the
Karakalpakstan Autonomous Republic. The Cabinet of Ministers is formally headed
by the Prime Minister; it is responsible to the President and the Parliament. This
setup we can see why the executive branch holds all of the power within the
government of Uzbekistan. With the judiciary lacking any independence to make
changes and with the legislature, whom hardly are ever available to meets, the
executive branch overseen by the president, continues to make the decisions around
the laws and any major touchpoints that concern or are in interest of the country.

               The next branch of government is the
legislative system, which is represented by the Oliy Majilis or parliament that
represents the highest body in the country. Uzbekistan has a bicameral
Parliament which is chosen and designated for a five-year term. It comprises of,
an Upper House or Senate with 100 individuals, 84 of whom are chosen by viloyat
overseeing gatherings (six from each division) and 16 of whom are designated by
the President; and a Lower House or Legislative Chamber with 150 individuals,
who are chosen by well-known vote. In 2002 a submission supplanted the
one-chamber Parliament with a bicameral council under the president’s control.
The old governing body, the Oliy Majlis (Supreme Assembly) had 150 individuals
who served five-year terms. The governing body has little power. Individuals
are picked in a procedure that keeps the resistance from partaking. Karimov’s
energy in the parliament has been obvious in that body’s augmentation of the
presidential term of office from five to seven years in 2002 and by its
elucidation that Karimov’s first term reached out from 1991 to 2000, empowering
him to keep running for a “second” time. Following the two-round
parliamentary races of December 2004 and January 2005, the Oly Majlis included
individuals from five political parties, which were all in favor of the

               The third branch that we will look at
is the Judicial, which is comprised of the Supreme Court, which has 34 judges
organized into different sectors. Then the constitutional court, which is made
of 7 judges and a higher economic court which contains 19 judges. Judge choice
and term of office: judges of the 3 most elevated courts selected by the
president and affirmed by the Oliy Majlis; judges delegated for 5-year terms
subject to reappointment. Uzbekistan ostensibly has an autonomous judicial
branch. Notwithstanding, practically speaking choices of the legal by and large
take after those of the Office of the Procuracy, the state prosecutorial
organization, and the president has the ability to delegate and evacuate
judges. The national judiciary incorporates the Supreme Court, the
Constitutional Court, and the High Economic Court. Lower court frameworks exist
at the provincial, locale, and town levels. Judges at all levels are named by
the president and affirmed by the Oly Majlis. Ostensibly free of alternate
branches of government, the courts stay under total control of the executive
branch. As in the arrangement of the Soviet time, the procurator general and
his local and nearby equivalents are both the state’s head arraigning
authorities and the main agents of criminal cases, a design that restrains the
rights of the prosecuted.

               In this presidential regime we can
see how the different branches of government relate to each other. The over
arching theme is that the president controls not only the executive branch but
also the judicial and legislative branches as well. The belief that the country
is looking for democratic reform is different than the actions that it is
taking. The president has all of the power, which is extremely similar to
Russia and in some cases even more openly authoritarian. Even in cases where
there are opportunities to bring about change through laws and political
parties, the president has a back door scenario in almost every case to either
openly deny the act or rely on his appointed members of the various branches to
deny the act. There are still massive amounts of corruption and deceit in the
political landscape and the traits of a strong communist party beliefs are
still present and flourishing. Even with the inclusion of multiple parties the
government continues to actively suppress their movements and openly bans
public meetings and demonstrations that are not sanctioned by the government.
This oppression also flows over into various communication channels such as
newspapers, radio and television, which limits the amount of information that
is shared with the population. The development toward monetary change in
Uzbekistan has not been aligned with the development toward political change.
The legislature of Uzbekistan has rather fixed its grasp since freedom in September
1991, breaking down progressively on resistance gatherings. In spite of the
fact that the names have changed, the establishments of government stay like
those that existed before the separation of the Soviet Union. The legislature
has advocated its restriction of open get together, resistance parties, and the
media by stressing the requirement for security and a continuous way to deal
with change amid the transitional period, referring to the contention and
tumult in the other previous. This approach has discovered belief among a large
part of Uzbekistan’s population, albeit such a position may not be reasonable
over the long haul.

            Looking at
the stability of the Uzbekistan government comes in two-fold. The first thing
that must be looked at is the current standing of the government. In spite of
the trappings of institutional change, the main years of autonomy saw more
protection than acknowledgment of the institutional changes required for a democratic
law based change to grab hold. Whatever underlying development toward democracy
rules system existed in Uzbekistan in the beginning of freedom appears to have
been overwhelmed by the dormancy of the staying Soviet-style solid brought
together authority. This soviet style presence is still very strong and in that
essence the current government standing is stable. The authoritarian party will
continue to take the lead and make changes as they see fit and the presidents
grasp will not be able to be challenged, which seems to be aligned with what
the majority wants. In looking at the future of the government and its desire
to want to become more democratic will be necessary for any sort of long term
solution in the current global political landscape. Even in looking at
comparison on how the neighboring country of Kyrgyzstan has become more
democratic and instilled the beliefs into the government, the relationship
between the two countries is constantly under turmoil. Due to this Uzbekistan
is not overly concerned with what they are doing or seeing how it could be a
potentially positive thing to bring about the change. Overall, I do see the
current political regime as stable but the long term implications of this
soviet styled regime will not be stable and needs to change from the current
corrupt system to a more democratic process.